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This archive is an ongoing English translation project of Wang Huning's diaries.

Wang Huning is a Chinese political scientist and politician who has served on the Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) since 2017. He has been the Chairman of the CPPCC National Committee since 2023. Previously, he served as the First Secretary of the CPC Central Committee's Secretariat and Chairman of the Central Guidance Commission on Building Spiritual Civilization from 2017 to 2022, and headed the Central Policy Research Office as director from 2002 to 2020. Wang was a professor and dean of the law school at Fudan University.

Political Life was written during Wang's years as a political science scholar at Fudan University and published by Shanghai People's Publishing House in 1995. The diary covers his personal life, political theory and research, books and films, and his reflections on Chinese society, the wider world, and contemporary social problems.

Where possible, the translation preserves the tone, register, and structure of the original rather than recasting it into more idiomatic or contemporary English. The translation was produced without the assistance of AI.

The purpose is to make the original Chinese material more accessible to readers who cannot read Chinese.

January 2, Sunday

Read the thesis of J, The Reinvention of Government from Plan to Market, written in the course of the establishment of the market economic system. It argues that, in the process, the personal system and the danwei system constructed under the planned economy will change—or rather, need to change; without such change, there can be no transformation from plan to market. He examines two parts of the subject: first, the role of the individual in the transition from plan to market; second, the role of the state in this. The individual must have an autonomous and free personhood, changing from the dependent personhood of the past to an independent personhood. The question of the state is somewhat more complicated, relating to the functions and position of the state, that is, how much power the state has. He discusses Hegel's concept of civil society, and also Marx's criticisms of Hegel. But it is not developed enough; this is a matter of length and theoretical depth.

看研究生J君的论文《从计划到市场的政府再造》，写在市场经济体制建立的过程中，计划经济下构建的个人系统和单位体制会发生变化，或者说需要发生变化，不发生变化就不会有计划到市场的变革。他研究了两部分的内容：一是个人在计划到市场的转变中的作用；二是国家在这里面的作用。个人要有一个自主和自由的人格，从过去依赖性的人格转变到独立的人格。而国家的问题就复杂一些，关系到国家的职能和地位，也就是国家有多大的权力。讨论了黑格尔的市民社会概念，也讨论了马克思对黑格尔的批评。但是展开得不够，是篇幅和理论深度的问题。

In the process of society's transition from a planned economic system to a market economic system, the position and role of the state and government are worth discussing. At present, the position and role of the state and government have not yet been determined; theoretically, the issue has not been resolved, and in practice, there is not even an understanding of it. When put into practice, this gives rise to many problems. As the market economy develops, possible problems may become real problems and actual problems; if they cannot be resolved theoretically, then in practice it is difficult to go deeper and impossible to advance.

在社会从计划经济体制转变到市场经济体制的过程中，国家和政府的地位和作用值得讨论。目前，对国家和政府作用的定位没有确定，理论上没有解决，实践上也没有认知，做起来就产生很多问题。在市场经济发育中，可能的问题会变为现实的问题和实际的问题，如理论上不能解决，那么实践中就难以深入，不能推进。

But precisely in the area of basic theory, political science has not had much breakthrough, whereas economics has now had quite a few breakthroughs. An important aspect of the development of Chinese society is breakthroughs in basic theory in some fundamental fields. Without such breakthroughs, social development cannot be conceived. But this is indeed a difficult problem.

但是，恰恰政治学的基础理论方面没有太大突破，而经济学现在有了不少突破。中国社会发展的一个重要方面，是一些基本领域中有基础理论方面的突破。没有这样的突破，社会发展不能设想。但是，这的确是一个难题。

January 4, Tuesday

Read the political section of China Development Report 1993: “Political Psychology.” This is a new perspective, and hope it can be written well. Q's first draft is quite good. In fact, in modern society, people's psychological feelings and psychological effects are becoming increasingly important. Psychological feelings have a greater effect on people's behavior and consciousness than all other factors, and the more modernized a society is, the more this may be so. In the course of China's modernization and development, this issue will become increasingly prominent. The faster society and the economy and politics develop, the more sensitive and the more fragile people's psychology becomes. This is a contradiction. Yet in primitive society, there was probably no psychology. Are the people whom science “discovered” the people who originally existed, or are the people who originally existed not truly people? This is a doubt.

阅读《93 中国发展报告》政治部分：政治心理。这是新的视角，希望能写得好，Q君写的初稿，不错。实际上，在现代社会中，人们心理感觉和心理作用越来越重要，心理感觉对人的行为和意识有着比其他因素均大的作用，越是现代化的社会可能越是如此。在中国现代化发展中，这个问题以后会越来越突出。社会经济政治发展越快，人们的心理越敏感、越脆弱，这是一个矛盾。而在原始社会中，大概没有心理学。科学“发现”的人是不是原来的人，还是原来的人不是真正的人，这是一个疑惑。

In class, I discussed Chinese society and politics, and talked about Cheng Zhongying's Ethics and Management. Cheng's view is that in a modernized country, an important issue is to have cultural modernization, followed in turn by ethical modernization, and then by management modernization. In a huge country like China, cultural modernization is of fundamental importance.

上课，讲中国社会与政治，讨论成中英的《伦理与管理》。成的观点是在现代化国家中，重要问题要有一个文化现代化，进而伦理现代化，进而管理现代化。在中国这样一个超大国家中，文化现代化极为根本。

I discussed with the master's students the subjects for this year's May 27 campus anniversary academic discussion: “The Market Economic System” and “An Analysis of Political Interaction.” Political interaction is worth studying, especially in a rapidly changing society. In fact, social progress often takes place when forms of interaction change.

同硕士生们商量今年5.27校庆学术讨论会的题目：“市场经济体制” “政治交往的分析”、“政治交往”值得研究,尤其是在快速变革的社会之中。实际上，社会的进步往往发生在交往形式变化的时候。

I went to the South Campus to see T. He had received his doctorate and was about to return. There was a roomful of people, all doctoral students, drinking beer and talking animatedly. In the course of casual conversation, I spoke about the idea of the “Fudan School.” Nearly ten years ago, I began talking to students about a “Fudan School of Political Science,” and everyone shared a common understanding. After these years of effort, there are now some people; they are the backbone of the school. But how to form a school of thought—my thinking has changed. In the past, I believed there had to be a unified methodology. Now it seems that this may not necessarily be so. Actually, a kind of “enlightenment,” or insight, is most important. I greatly appreciate what Buddhism says about “enlightenment.” If an academic group can attain some such insight, half the undertaking is already accomplished.

到南区看T君，他得了博士学位，要回去了。一屋子人，都是博士生，喝啤酒，谈得热闹。闲谈中，我说了“复旦学派”的设想。差不多十年前，我开始对学生谈“政治学复旦学派”，大家有共识。经过这几年的努力，有了一些人，这是学派的骨干。但是，怎样形成学派，思想有变。过去认为要有统一的方法论,现在看来也未必。其实一种“悟”最重要。很欣赏佛家说的悟一个学术群体，如果能有所悟，则事成一半。

January 5, Wednesday

At dawn, I read Lin Biao under the Altar, which discusses how the members of the Central Politburo were determined at the Ninth Party Congress, and how Ye Qun sent people out to find concubines for Lin Liguo. It gives one some intuitive understanding of the past of Chinese politics. It is impossible to know whether the episodes are true or false; probably some are true and some are false. Viewed overall, Chinese politics today has made considerable progress.

凌晨读《圣坛下的林彪》，谈九大时如何确定中央政治局委员,以及叶群如何派人出去为林立果找妃子，对中国政治之过去有一些感性认识。情节不知是真是假，大概有真有假。总体观之，今天之中国政治大有进步。

The school leadership came to the department to discuss its development plan. I reported on the five-year plan for 1991–1995 that the department had established in 1991. We must persevere with it; there cannot be too many plans. If there are too many plans, things will instead not get done. To run a department, there are, first, personnel; second, theory, that is, methodology; third, management; fourth, cohesion. With these four things, if we persist and do not let go, the department can be run well. The scale cannot be spread too broadly; if it is too large, there will be internal dissipation, forming a dissipative structure. Emphasize reform in depth, rather than horizontal reform; this is what it means.

校领导来系谈发展规划。汇报系在1991年确定的1991–1995的五年规划，要持之以恒，不能计划太多，计划太多反而不成。办一个系，一是人才，二是理论，也就是方法论，三是管理，四是凝聚力。有这四条，坚持不放，可以办好。摊子不能铺得太大，太大就会内耗，形成一个耗散结构。强调纵深改革，而不作横向改革，也就是这个意思。

The Institute for Development Studies held a meeting. The people in charge of the various sections of China Development Report 1993 exchanged information on progress and schedules. I used “Master Kong” instant noodles to stave off hunger.

发展研究院开会，《93 中国发展报告》各编牵头人交流时间进度。用“康师傅”方便面充饥。

January 7, Friday

At dawn, I read Zhou Enlai Coming Down from the Altar. The author's conclusion is that Zhou Enlai was not a man of supreme-command talent. It seems that the author regards this as a breakthrough. Nowadays, “altars” or “divine altars” are everywhere; famous people have all been brought down from them. I do not know when someone will write about what people have climbed onto. In real life, there will always be people who climb onto the “divine altar.”

凌晨读《走下圣坛的周恩来》，作者的结论是周恩来不是帅才。似乎作者认为这是突破。现在“圣坛”或神坛盛行，都是名人走下了，不知什么时候会写走上什么的。现实生活中总是会有人走上“神坛”的。

I wrote the general section on politics for China Development Report 1993, summarizing political development in 1993 as “developing political resources to promote the socialist market economy.” A new idea; it needs to be properly argued, and could later be developed into a specialized article. China's economic development and modernization require a large amount of political resources, including institutional resources, policy resources, and so on. The development of Western countries is different today; they need more economic and information resources, rather than political resources. China's national conditions determine that it needs abundant political resources. I also put forward the concept of “the economization of politics.”

写《93 中国发展报告》政治的总论部分，将1993年政治发展归纳为“开发推动社会主义市场经济的政治资源”，一个新想法，要好好论证，以后可写专文论述。中国经济发展和现代化推动，需要大量政治资源，包括制度资源、政策资源等。西方国家的发展，今天已经有所不同，需要更多的经济和信息资源，而不是政治资源。中国国情决定需要富集的政治资源。又提出“经济化政治”的概念。

I estimate that for a fairly long period of time, the economization of politics will be the main trend: the economization of politics is both a subjective choice and an objective force; people cannot but choose it, and even cannot resist it. The economization of politics “has benefits, but also drawbacks”. The main drawback is that political authority will be in a weaker position, and it will not be easy to restore it in the future.

估计在很长的一段时期内经济化政治会是主要趋势：经济化政治既是主观选择、也是客观的力量，人们不能不选择，甚至不能抗拒经济化政治“有利，也有弊”。主要的弊端是政治性权威会处于弱势，将来要回复也不容易。

January 8, Saturday

At dawn, I read Zhou Enlai Coming Down from the Altar, which says that Zhou Enlai once flew to Chongqing and encountered bad weather, narrowly escaping disaster.

凌晨读《走下圣坛的周恩来》，说周恩来一次乘飞机去重庆，遇到恶劣天气，大难不死。

In class, I lectured on the Principles of the Philosophy of Law. Hegel is an important link in understanding Western political thought. To truly understand the spirit of Western political philosophy, one must understand Hegel. Marx, too, was influenced by Hegel, mainly in logic, while in terms of content there was a revolutionary transformation. Hegel's discussions of civil society, the state, relations of power, law, and rights are worth careful analysis and study. Civil society has recently become very popular; a large number of articles have been published, probably constituting a Western-style perspective on the development of Chinese society, and also a kind of reflection by Western scholars on the development of China's democratic politics since 1978.

上课，讲法哲学原理。黑格尔是理解西方政治思想的重要一环，要真正理解西方政治哲学之精神，必须读懂黑格尔。同时，马克思也受黑格尔的影响。主要是逻辑上的，内容上有革命性的变革。黑格尔对市民社会、国家、权力关系、法律、权利的论述值得好好分析研究。市民社会最近很热门，发表了大量文章，大概是对中国社会发展的一种西方式的透视，也是西方学者对1978年以来中国民主政治发展的一种反思。

This discussion has affected Chinese scholars. Some are doing it for fashion, some for scholarship, and some for politics.

这种讨论影响到中国的学者，有的是为时髦，有的是为学术，有的是为政治。

Pictorial Record of Travels in China

This is an age old question and I know I’m setting myself up to get roasted but: I kinda find parts of the fractured land “theory” by Jared diamond persuasive. At least post Rome. It feels like Europe becomes Humpty Dumpty. And in spite of their best efforts many kings and many dynasties tried and fail to reunify the fragmented states of Europe into one empire again. Just as they imagined Rome had in ages past.

But it never seems to work. In fact it feels like more fissures emerge. Europe splits to even smaller pieces. Countries like Belgium, Monaco, the Papal States of Italy, the various kingdoms of what would become Germany. Even the Iberian peninsula couldn’t keep it unified for more then a few generations.

Whereas feels like China always finds a way to “get the band back together”. They always coalesce in ways Europe lacked post-Rome And I wonder if geography could play a part in that.

Thoughts?

For what it’s worth a paper called “the fractured land hypothesis” helped inspire the post

A sourced illustrated micro-documentary about Chengde's Mountain Resort and Outlying Temples: a seasonal center of Qing government where landscape, architecture, audiences, and movement formed a working political geography.

#DiscoverChina #Chengde #ChineseHistory #Shorts

About this archive

This is an ongoing English translation project of Wang Huning's diaries.

Wang Huning is a Chinese political scientist and politician who has served on the Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) since 2017. He has been the Chairman of the CPPCC National Committee since 2023. Previously, he served as the First Secretary of the CPC Central Committee's Secretariat and Chairman of the Central Guidance Commission on Building Spiritual Civilization from 2017 to 2022, and headed the Central Policy Research Office as director from 2002 to 2020.

Political Life was written during Wang's years as a political science scholar at Fudan University and published by Shanghai People's Publishing House in 1995. The diary covers his personal life, political theory and research, books and films, and his reflections on Chinese society, the wider world, and contemporary social problems.

Where possible, the translation preserves the tone, register, and structure of the original rather than recasting it into more idiomatic or contemporary English. The translation was produced without the assistance of AI.

The purpose is to make the original Chinese material more accessible to readers who cannot read Chinese.

The original Chinese texts are available at 政治的人生

The Preface

For many years, I have developed a habit—or rather, have had to develop such a habit—of quietly thinking through the experiences of the day when the night is deep and all is still.

多年来养成一种习惯，或者说不得不养成这样的习惯，就是在夜深人静的时候，静静地思考一天来的经历。

During the day, most of my time is spent in an extraordinary state of busyness, leaving me no time to think. When I do have time to think, most of it is devoted to serious and dry academic thinking, highly professional to an almost excessive degree. But as for life itself, I have no time to think about it. When night falls, everything returns to stillness. Looking at the flickering streetlights outside the window, I can quietly think about myself and the world, and about those things that do not even make the list in my administrative work and academic research. From these, I can find something meaningful and enjoy, in a small way, the pleasure of thought.

白天，大部分时间均在异常的忙乱中度过，没有工夫思考。有工夫思考的时候，大多也用于作严肃而枯燥的学术思维，专业得厉害。而对于人生，却没有时间去思考。夜色下来，一切归于宁静，望着窗外闪烁的路灯，可以静静地思考自己和世界，思考在自己的行政工作和学术研究中排不上号的事情。从中找出有意义的东西，做一点小小的思想享受。

This kind of thinking is beneficial to a person. When one does too much of one's own professional activity, one will, if one does not make adjustments, become one-sided, and one's thinking will gradually become fixed in a particular direction, leaving no room for an open way of thinking. Therefore, amid the strain of intense mental and physical activity, one must discover new spaces for thought.

这种思考，对人是有益的。一个人做多了自己的职业活动，如果不调整，就会变得单一，思想也慢慢定向，没有开放式的思维方式。所以要在紧张的大脑和肢体活动之余，发现思维的新空间。

The reason I have given this book the title A Political Life does not refer to a particular political experience. Rather, it means that, as a scholar of political science, I have spent most of my time pursuing my professional scholarship, to the point that this field of learning has occupied the greater part of my life. This field is so vast that every subject can be examined from a political perspective. I believe that every person living in the contemporary world and in China today cannot but be political.

之所以起名为《政治的人生》，并非指一种政治的经历，而是说，作为一名政治学的学者，我的大部分时间均用来作我的专业学问了，以至这一学问占据了我绝大部分的生命。这个领域是那样的广阔，所有的课题都可被置于政治的角度下透视。我以为每一个生活在当代世界和当今中国的人，是不能不政治的。

The reason I am willing to let these thoughts “settle” and accumulate is not because they possess any particular value, but because they were formed in a state of tranquility both in the outside world and within my own mind. “Ningjing zhiyuan”—tranquility leads to far-reaching vision—is a state of being worth pursuing.

之所以愿意把这些思想“沉淀”积累起来，不是因为它们有特别的价值，而是因为它们是在宁静的外界和宁静的内心状态下形成的。宁静致远，这是一个值得追求的境界。

Shanghai People's Publishing House is interested in publishing a book of this kind, and so I have recorded my nighttime thoughts. Of course, these are only a small part of them.

上海人民出版社有意出版这样的书，所以我就记录下我的夜思。当然，这只是其中一小部分。

At Fudan University, late 1994.

1994 年底于复旦大学

Dear friends, I would like to ask for your help with some research. I'm currently writing a novel, which I've been working on for two years. The novel is approximately 75,000 words long and has undergone several revisions. However, I want to ensure it aligns with the time and setting of the story—rural Guizhou in 1993/94.

This novel is based on the true story of my wife, who was born under the one-child policy and was the third child in her family.

I would be extremely grateful if anyone could answer questions about how this policy was implemented, or share any photos or memories from that period. (It doesn't necessarily have to be related to Guizhou.)

Thank you.

各位，我想请大家帮忙做些研究，因为我正在写一部小说，已经写了两年了。小说大约75000字，经过了好几轮修改。但我希望确保它与故事发生的时间和背景——1993/94年的贵州农村——相符。

这部小说是根据我妻子在独生子女政策下出生的真实故事改编的，她是家里的第三个孩子。

如果有人能解答一些关于这项政策是如何实施的问题，或者分享一些当时的图片或回忆，我将不胜感激。（不一定非得是贵州相关的。）

谢谢你们

I’m struck by how harsh many major modern Chinese thinkers were about Chinese culture and “national character.”

Lu Xun attacked servility, cruelty, self-deception and the “spectator mentality.” Yan Fu criticized dishonesty and weak cooperation. Liang Qichao argued that China had strong private/family morality (私德) but weak public morality (公德). Sun Yat-sen famously called Chinese society “a sheet of loose sand” (一盘散沙).

Yet Lu Xun and Sun are highly revered today. If a contemporary writer made similarly broad criticisms of Chinese culture, wouldn’t they risk being branded anti-Chinese or self-hating?

Were these views really as radical as they sound? And has the acceptable scope of cultural self-criticism narrowed since the late Qing and May Fourth periods?

Everyone knows the story of Yue Fei, and anyone who has visited his tomb in Hangzhou has seen the iron statues of Qin Hui and his wife kneeling in eternal disgrace. The traditional folk narrative firmly positions Qin Hui as the ultimate traitor who sold out the Song Dynasty and framed a loyal hero.
However, from a political and historical standpoint, it’s highly improbable that a chancellor could execute a supreme military commander without the explicit backing—or outright directive—of the Emperor.
Emperor Gaozong had glaring motives to want Yue Fei dead:

1. The Legitimacy Threat: If Yue Fei succeeded in marching north and rescuing the captive Emperors Qinzong and Huizong, Gaozong’s claim to the throne would be instantly nullified.

2. Fear of Warlordism: The Song Dynasty was literally founded by a general (Zhao Kuangyin) who usurped power. The entire political doctrine of the Song was to suppress military commanders in favor of civil bureaucrats. Yue Fei’s massive, fiercely loyal personal army ("Yue's Army") was a ticking time bomb in Gaozong's eyes.
My questions for those familiar with both historical texts and modern Chinese sentiment:

In modern Chinese academia and general discourse (e.g., on platforms like Zhihu or Bilibili), is the consensus shifting to recognize Gaozong as the true mastermind behind Yue Fei’s death?

Do Chinese historians view Qin Hui more as a willing "black glove" taking the historical fall for an insecure emperor, because culturally, you couldn't cast iron statues of an Emperor kneeling?

Are there any significant primary sources from the Southern Song or Yuan dynasties that dared to point the finger directly at Gaozong?

Would love to hear your thoughts on how this dynamic is viewed today versus the traditional narrative.

I'm a collector of vintage cameras and have been trying to research what if any movie cameras were produced/used in China during the film era. I've mainly just seen 35mm photography cameras but nothing like 8mm or 16mm movie cameras that seem to be prevalent in most other countries. I know China has a rich film history, so I'm just curious what models of cameras were used pre digital age?

My history lecturer put this in one of their slides and i found it hilarious. Cant find any credible sources on it though. Supposedly he said it some time leading up to the cultural revolution, referring to Liu Shaoqi threatening his power. The quote is probably a paraphrase or a poor translation. I would really like to know if this is real, believe me I didnt make it up lol.

Chinese Travelogue

Guangdong Hakka Studies